How Do I Keep Closet Doors Closed?

Lisbon Treaty: the story of an oligarchy that has destroyed Europe

Lorenzo Natural

The modern and contemporary history has instilled as a core value in a democracy the sovereignty of the people of our country: our own Constitution, the first of the twelve Fundamental Principles, states such as sovereignty belongs to the people [1]. However, despite having been repeatedly highlighted the high value of democratic states which constitute the historic core of Europe, it seems that the fate of the Old World viruses more and more towards a future where citizens will lose - but they are already losing! - The right to be represented by a form of government and politicians they elect. The instrument that is driving Europe towards this new era is notorious, but in content to the most obscure, the Treaty of Lisbon [2]. But what is exactly this treaty? Because a document that could be a crucial change in the history of Europe is constantly overlooked and clouded by the mass media, by politicians, television lounges and experts in the field?

First, the first consideration regards the mere meaning of the name: the Lisbon Treaty - signed December 13, 2007 in the Portuguese capital - is nothing but the "correction" made out of the European Constitution under another name, which is been rejected by the 'no' referenda held in France and the Netherlands in 2005 [3]. The only substantial difference that might seem trivial, it is precisely in the name of this agreement: to ensure that a constitution can take effect, in fact, it is imperative that a referendum, so it is the sovereign people to decide about its ratification. The paradox seems clear: with this insidious plot, "using different terminology without changing the legal substance" - like Angela Merkel, German chancellor, called for work to go from ' impasse has arisen with the' no 'referenda - the European Union, in fact, impose on its citizens a constitution masked by the Treaty, without which they can express themselves about it. In Ireland, the only country where the treaty was submitted to a referendum due to a particular national constitutional law, it was first rejected, then it was repeated on October 2 last year, with opposite results: in the middle of the two votes, the Republic of Ireland has experienced a period of tremendous crisis, with an increase of 18% unemployment in one year and the country to the brink of bankruptcy, avoided, as it happens, by the intervention of the European Central Bank has earmarked 120 billion euros to prop up the economy a few weeks before the second vote [4]. Pure coincidence that the Irish people, frightened by the arrival of a second attack, they decided to adapt to the wishes of other European governments?

From structural point of view, moreover, the Treaty of Lisbon is to be at least difficult to interpret, or even unreadable for most people: 329 pages of amendments and references to other texts such as the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the Treaty on European Union (TEU), the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC) and the Euratom Treaty, seem in fact want to confirm you want to make it difficult to understand the treaty (by adding all the various documents to which it refers you get to about three thousand pages of text!) argument also President of the European Convention, Valery Giscard d'Estaing [5]. In short, the purpose of promoting the project seems to want to keep unaware of the public on the issues and the contents of this document.
Try to make an effort mnemonic: try to think how many times you've read, heard, seen or interventions debates on this topic. The silence of the media and politicians on this issue is not only deafening, but chilling.
Nigel Farage, current co-chairman of the Europe of freedom and democracy during the session of the European Parliament on June 7, 2007 [6], has accused European governments of "assemble the treaty in secret" and "does not want to involve the citizens, fearing that more will find their most grandiose plans likely it is that people will vote 'no' " . But that" planes "is talking Farage?
course, all this secrecy, this mechanism set aside for the people, can only be interpreted as harmful to the signals future. Among amendments modified, cross-references to other treaties and propositions articulated, we can not remain indifferent to items that constitute a serious threat to the democratic foundations are so dear to the European Union: the threat of disruptions at the level of government, legislative, social and justice.

The Treaty of Lisbon will have a power that will exceed constitutions of EU Member States, European laws have greater validity than the Italian, French or Danish: we used to be considered citizens before the citizens of our country. Although this might represent a meeting point acceptable to lay the foundations for a strong European bloc and more dominated Russian politics and the Stars and Stripes, is completely unacceptable to decide on all areas that affect the political life social, economic and European countries is not a committee consisting of members elected by European citizens. In fact, the European Commission, which will address the legislative part of the Union, will consist of about three thousand - and I stress three thousand - sub-committees of politicians and bureaucrats, not elected by the citizens. What's more, the only building where we sit elected politicians, or the European Parliament, will dwindle in the range which will be called upon to speak. In addition to losing the power of veto in as many as sixty-eight fields, in any case - with the exception of areas side - will give an absolute majority to prevent a law promulgated by the European Commission is voted down: let me think that being able to agree 736 MEPs is at least unlikely, if not utopian. In short, the only European institution with members elected by the people, instead of seeing its power increase, undoubtedly leads oblivion, to occupy a piece of space more minutes, taking powers comparable importance to those which currently holds our President. In the face of European democracy.
On the other hand, a figure which until very recently had an almost purely symbolic function as that of the EU Presidency, the Treaty of Lisbon, however, will take a leading role. And strangely even this figure will be elected by the people of Europe (I do not think that the citizens were summoned to the election of Herman van Rompuy, which will be the first to occupy this position). The powers of the President will be anything but marginal as well as forge international agreements with other countries, including the opportunity to declare war on a state as "Europe" without the permission of the UN (no different than the U.S. policy, however). In this case, a member country can not declare itself neutral, but may only abstain "constructively." This "possibility" was introduced with the new Article 23 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) [7], which states that if abstention is accompanied by a formal declaration, the Member State concerned is not required to apply while accepting that the decision commits the Union. Therefore, that Member State is obliged to avoid any action that would impede the EU Action based on that decision. On balance, neutral countries in this field such as Austria and Finland can no longer exercise their status: a very encouraging step towards a Europe based on peace-keeping.

If the government views the situation does not seem the most optimistic, to say the least, with regard to the social, the Treaty of Lisbon seems unwilling to take up the defense of workers, preferring items that protect the large corporations that operate across Europe and beyond. As it happens, according to surveys released in conjunction with the 2005 referendum to approve the European Constitution, the lack of focus on the protection of workers and cuts in the social field are two of the points for which the Dutch and French have rejected the referendum.
A striking example is demonstrated by the fact that the Treaty of Lisbon gives priority to increased agricultural production, the European Union - already heavily funded - leaving out the working conditions of laborers and not taking care of the environmental dangers of the expansion of that sector among the most polluting of the world [8].
In addition, Protocol 6 of the Treaty [9] introduces the "free and undistorted competition", which applied to the European trade means no state protection for disadvantaged countries the rich countries' economies stronger: if Italy wants to allocate funds in favor of a less developed regions, for example, would have problems getting it if this were to affect the "free competition".

Despite the problems already presented are sufficient to alarms, arguing that more should worry about the conscience of the free citizens the opportunity to reinstate the death penalty in Europe. The Treaty in fact provides that in case of war or crisis in Europe, can be introduced, in some cases, the death penalty [10]: Now, what does "state of crisis in Europe? The Court of Justice, based on criteria that decide the level of crisis? And in what areas will be applied?
Last but not least, the point 2 of Article 2 - concerning the right to life - the Treaty on European Union ruled that "Death is not regarded as inflicted in contravention of this article when it results from the use of force which had become absolutely necessary [...] to suppress, in accordance with the law, a riot or insurrection. " [11]. Here, too, doubt arises: what is meant by "riot"? The police have carte blanche to indiscriminately eliminate any event contrary to the established order? We will see again in repression bloodbath, without the guilty are punished?

In summary, the Treaty of Lisbon increasingly appears as the main instrument used by the plutocratic European governments to devise a real "coup" without the knowledge of 500 million free citizens. However, we must not remain passive once again before this latest attempt to curb our freedoms and the ancient traditions of our continent, setting aside time for a national conflicts and trying to get to know people as possible to the dark project that these politicians businessmen are designed to transform Europe into an organization devoted to daneistocratica profit of the bankers and corporations and control of freedom of the individual.

not the people have to be afraid of their governments, but governments should be afraid of their people. - Thomas Jefferson

Notes

[1] See article 1 of the Constitution of the Italian Republic http://www.governo. com / government / constitution / principi.htm
[2] See text of the Treaty of Lisbon http://eur-lex.europa.eu/JOHtml.do?uri=OJ:C:2007:306:SOM : EN: HTML
[3] http://www.politichecomunitarie.it/comunicazione/7420/referendum-in-francia-no-alla-costituzione-europea
[4] http://ricerca.repubblica.it / repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2009/10/3/irlanda-verso-la-vittoria-del-si.html
[5] = http://www.paolobarnard.info/intervento_mostra_go.php?id 139
[6] See video of the speech by Farage http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z3h0kf6sKIc
[7] See note [5]
[8] See note [5] http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=4312845773464376975&postID=406508185518997046
[9] See the references in the Treaty of Lisbon to any other treaty-related
[10] http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/ita/Treaties/Html/114.htm
[11] See Amendment article 2 of the Treaty on European Union and / or http://newstandout.blogspot.com/2009/10/il-trattato-di-lisbona-reintriduce-la.html

How Many Temazepam Is A Lethal Dose

Silone under the carpet

Piero Red

We often read a book and remain so fascinated by almost unconsciously seek further evaluation. An author so you can discover the location coordinates in the universe, history and literature, in which it is built. It circumscribes the existence in a narrow angle and less controllable so scared of those who deals with exploration.

Now what if in this corner, which now we feel in control, he was, a variable to handle, but abnormal small enough to crack the security that there is an argument against? As a trapdoor, which lives from before we found a house and accidentally one of the rare times that dusted under the carpet. Open it and are liable to do something unpleasant or ignore it, cover it and leave it there where it's so good that no one else finds it, as well as our eyes that will invariably curious to rest on the carpet whenever they get the chance. What to do?

This feeling of disorientation is that you feel the adventure in what was once a warm and cozy nook of Ignazio Silone. If we were to lay the foundations for the furnishing of this corner, begin with the significant date of birth, chosen by his father - who decides to wait two days to get it recorded to the registry - a May 1 (1900), in order to saying that the social interest, supposedly to have accompanied him from day one. Then continue with the name of art (actually worry Severino), Silone, which borrows from fifth in 1923 Poppedius Silo, leader of the resistance of the Marsi in the Social War against Rome in 90 BC, only ten years later he added the name Ignatius, at the first publication, by a cooperative socialist at Schaffhausen in Switzerland, Fontamara . And it is this book which is the solid angle of our furniture, solid social commentary as " a brick in the stomach of southern Italian bourgeoisie," a novel in which every veristic attention is restricted to "first farmers appear meat and bone in the literature Italian "(letter to Silone Gabriella Seidenfeld from Davos, July 29, 1930).

Now you need to add some furnishing plant, the roots Silone throws in being one of the founders in 1921 of a PCI Togliatti and Gramsci. In 1927 in Moscow, where he traveled with Togliatti in the meeting of the Comintern executive, on the occasion of the liquidation of Trotsky and the Stalinization, was born in him a crisis in our common faith that is expressed in 1931 when he left the party looking for a Socialism autonomous, free of ideology in the PCI neurosis seems to be infected. It is very convinced that any party anti-totalitarian is destined to become, once in power, the replacement of the regime that has just overthrown. Pane e Vino in of 1935 writes:

Every new idea to spread, it crystallizes into formulas; for its preservation relies on a corps of interpreters, carefully recruited, sometimes specifically salaried, and any event subjected to a higher authority, responsible for the separate concerns and punish deviations. So any new idea always ends up becoming an obsession, building, surpassed. When this idea becomes the official state doctrine, then there is no escape.

words dictated by its deep political pessimism, but have not ever served as an alibi to escape from the social struggle.

Then, ladies and gentlemen, when the angle is well furnished and welcoming, and you find the trap door opens: the Silone, signs Silvestri, who takes information reports with the Police in Rome on the activities of communist organizations, reports started ten years before his arrest for illegal militancy of his brother Romulus - thus excluding the possibility of cooperation in order to save him from prison. Under the carpet there is a different man from the writer. Discover that we have studied only in profile, the half Silone, and not be noticed by its dual nature, and believed him to have been deceived.

is increasingly clear that the first dispatches of Silone date back to 1923, sent to the police commissioner Guido Bellone, then Inspector General of Police Division policy, which was the only police officer with whom the writer had reports. Not sure but as they began, one of his likely arrest in 1919 could suggest a blackmail his release in exchange for information; tactic often used by police with young militants and inexperienced. Pane e Vino again Silone insert a character who has been closely reviewed by critics in the light of new discoveries: Luigi Murica. Interestingly, one of his dialogues:

"[tells of his arrest for militancy] I was slapped and spat upon during one hour. Maybe I would have gladly endured more of the violent beatings, instead of those slaps and spit. When the room door opened and the officer who was questioning me [...] rebuked, or pretended to scold his subordinates, he made me wash and dry, he took me into his office and assured me that he had dealt with the case with my kindness and a spirit of understanding. [...] Had information on my family and the difficulties which endangered the continuation of my studies. [...] '

"In short," interrupted Don Paolo, "the official suggested that to minister to the police. She said what? "

" accepted "

Murica agonizes for this choice, even though his life depends on the subsidy that the police in exchange for providing information . During the militancy meets a girl who introduced him to one side of the life unimaginable to live pure, honest and conscientious. This finding, however, does nothing but sharpen his tremendous remorse "Hand in hand were digging an unbridgeable contrast between my life and my apparent secret life. [...] If the new group of friends admired me for my courage and my business, it reminds me to the realization that, in fact, was betraying them. " Silone, equally tormented in 1930 sent a final letter to the inspector Bellone with which truncates each report and asked never to be contacted.

How to enjoy, then, an apple, half beautiful and half running? Probably physically cut into two parts, but without throwing the black and wrinkled, which also has been instrumental in the formation of the fruit, an element that enhances the apple itself, as capable, despite everything, to care for and develop itself , one side shiny and juicy. Apples, writers, "I'm not a lay clergy to administer spiritual humanity nor do they understand the life and politics necessarily better than others. Many of the greatest writers of the twentieth century were fascists, Nazis, Communists worship of Stalin, we continue to love them, to understand the tortuous and often painful journey that led them to identify with the disease, mistaking it for medicine learn from them and also a profound humanity "(Claudio Magris, Literature and commitment: the cold heart of the writers," Corriere della Sera, October 21, 2007) . The decision taster.

Prince Michael Chang Graphite Vs Titanium

Homes, buildings, and skyscrapers in the middle of a drama as old as ours.

Eliana Arnò

front of me was C. She had just henna and her hair from dark red to mahogany smells good. I enjoyed blowing in your hair and watch them mischievous and courageous return to their place. Behind me was leaning a girl. I do not remember the name: I thought only that he should not be much taller than me, I felt her boobs on my shoulder blades.
We were lined up and waited for the signal B. that we would put side by side. The signal came, and available as expected, I found myself in front of a battered tree trunk. It was time to leave behind the tickets we held firmly in hand so tightly his hands trying in vain to escape the cold. She was beautiful the idea of \u200b\u200bthe card set in the trunk of the Val Rosandra. So, after some maneuvering, I left that piece of paper that says "I walk alone " there alone, to reflect on that day, while all eyes were on us, not for him.
There were few, in piazza O. Five, maybe six ... almost all of them with sleepy faces. In fact it was already eight-thirty in the morning, but all dreamed the same thing: a leader in b. After a while the bus arrived and the rest of the girls. That day we would go in Muggia, Bagnoli, Trieste, Opicina, Duino, and there we marched. A girl came to Venice the night before the parade was accompanied on the accordion, the only voice of the group.
The idea was to walk in a line along the streets in silence, simply wearing the clothes you the ropes of Cassiopeia we had adjusted him. Auction the proceeds of our clothes would have been given to a woman victim of violence.
We were happy brigade from eleven to fifty years. It was fun to see us together: those busy to change, to those who wear makeup, some to escape the sickness .. not to mention the usual talk of a woman, the mundane and tasty judgments on the last frontier of the absorbent.
Well, that day started well: we were reading, euphoric, despite the gray damp of the city and carrying the weight of that date: it was Nov. 25. Forty-nine years before
three sisters, a little less silent parade of our light-footed, had been brutally massacred. The noise of their death was so strong that years later it was decided that day to remember and to give it a name: International Day Against Violence Against Women .
Gender violence is all too silent, however: the cases of violence do not exceed the reported cases in which the woman found the strength to speak.
I met a person some time ago. He told me that she realized that she was raped only after talking with some friends. His "No, I do not want" a silly evening spent between alcohol fumes and smoke, it seemed almost too unconvincing that she felt responsible for the incident. How can a woman do not understand to have been raped?
I can hardly understand it. Perhaps the shame of recognizing that the situation could be created this was avoided by making her feel responsible. Ruining this shame that leads straight to the sense of guilt. If a woman gets to feel responsible, the world revolves around that should make you feel like the red apple of temptation, as a primitive and ancestral guilt. The company has eyes and head of a man but a woman's body, one is accustomed to give the blame to the victims. The problem is twofold. The woman is the prey of this male-dominated society that is both judge and victim of herself, brought up by the same principles that oppress, but the intimate thoughts that a person's self is a thousand times more dark and endless as any other. While
fashion show, a man breaking the silence we carry said: "If you went around dressed as always, would not you be afraid of rapes. Bravo, bravo." Our clothes were blacks mixed with cream. The skirts came below the knees, shawls or capes covered us back, the shoes simple: the ornaments were not very conspicuous, there were curved seams that crept into the tissues. Only an idiot would confuse the dignity of our clothes with fake armor. Besides being in bad taste, is a clear manifestation of how commonly is seen violence against women, that is as pure physical fact, obscuring or even ignoring the violence so as to be deafening silence, that which is sustained over time, hidden in the corners of houses half-closed shutters, a muted violence that bears the name of indifference.
The parade ended in front of the Teatro dell 'ex opp. Each of us had a sentence to read: phrases chosen from among the many written by women against violence that afflicts us. Start
B. then to read, bypassing C., after that it's my turn, and jump over the voice the words that flew in the air.
Like a row of dominoes, took off one after another, until the whisper became buzz, the buzz and roar, and the roar became a voice, a voice.

(my) films this month: Marriage Italian Style, Vittorio De Sica, 1964.

The title of the article is taken from the movie mentioned above.

Lotion Like Cervical Mucus Before Period

Trieste. A demon lay flat to dry.

Omar Longo

House. Scale. Scooter. Down the street on the left. Traffic lights. Green. Via. The cars around AC. The red lights of red taillights anticipate the intersection. Aspects chewing smog that the flow afresh, forced, compacted in a sudden stillness that is congenial to him. The square houses glimpsed the beginning of the week with a fine dust of loops that cross their tracks spicy blankets, breakfast hasty, in a tangle of faces that do not hide in the folds of the pillow.
Everyone knows where they are going, where a few guards. Repetition, habit, the mo Noton flatten the senses. Day after day the city is experienced in a utilitarian, perhaps because only utilitarianism and practicality drive many people to pile into the concrete islands.
Living the city in a functional and routine kills the perception of the city itself: it is the childhood friend who never changes, is the old husband who can no longer impress or excite.
A static view that reveals the bakery as a place to buy bread, the school as a place to study, as the way forward Transitional space. Buildings, roads, parks as backgrounds of daily flow, stage inevitable.
But every city has its own daemon: an elusive spirit that winds lurks everywhere: in the streets, the corners of the streets, the entrance to a shop. Can not you see, but there and speaks, and conformism in times of fierce dictatorship, screaming so loud that people are able to do anything to silence him, a monster that has nested in the multifaceted history, a demon born citizen with developments in the town, aged eating causal relationships.
His lair is the utilitarian view the city.
know the city is to know where this street, the square that the particular office, given the place of worship. This allows us to get the best, move quickly to a clear view of the city structure: clear, but not true. If the truth is not clear but revealing ( aletheia ), nothing unfolds the essence of a city, if not the mere economic relations that govern. The demon is quiet and can not be seen even if the sun lying on the central square. But often it happens that a play of light it makes sense the presence, or through a skylight let you see: they are moments, which left the places of study, work, bars, looking tired and listless accidentally falls on a commemorative plaque on the facade of a building or which differs from the others. If curiosity strikes laziness, allowing close observation, the demon starts to stir, knows that it can be revealed. It moves with the hesitancy of an animal approached the man, but in the eyes suggests the understanding and future games.
Trieste shows his support for the demon emerged from the rocks of the Carso to dry, in a narrow strip of land that is too thin to be only Italian: a demon who lived through the frontier city of the free port of religious tolerance.
- What's your name? - Is often the first question in the introduction, but here, the second is definitely - Where are you? -. Here the patch of land that you have raised has a specific meaning. The space is cramped, ethnicities and beliefs are many. Coming from one place or another 4 km away is not the same.
My first article in Pot-Pourri is a programmatic article: the trace of a path to understanding, understanding and taming the demon of the city to discover its history, the history of its people.
Verde. Parties. The city runs fast. Red. You stop. Stop. Char. Red. You stop. Stop.